• Click here to watch Gounder on “CBS News 24/7”

KFF Health News chief Washington correspondent Julie Rovner discussed obesity on WAMU and NPR’s “1A” on Oct. 9.

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KFF Health News senior correspondent Arthur Allen discussed pulse oximeter bias on KCBS Radio on Oct. 7.

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• Read Allen’s “FDA’s Promised Guidance on Pulse Oximeters Unlikely To End Decades of Racial Bias”

KFF Health News contributor Andy Miller discussed the impact of climate change on human health and a potential new hospital in Atlanta for WUGA’s “The Georgia Health Report” on Oct. 4 and Sept. 27, respectively. He also spoke on a panel about climate and public health aired on Atlanta Video Network on Sept. 30.

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KFF Health News correspondent Daniel Chang discussed vaccine misinformation in Florida on Radio Bilingüe’s “Línea Abierta” on Oct. 2.

• Click here to hear Chang on “Línea Abierta”
• Read “Florida’s New Covid Booster Guidance Is Straight-Up Misinformation,” which Chang co-authored with Arthur Allen and Sam Whitehead

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“I didn’t know what I was going to do, where I was going to go,” he told me, describing a period of crisis that began in 2017.

Seeking a change of venue, Rousseau moved to the mountains of North Carolina, the start of an extended period of wandering. Soon, a sense of emptiness enveloped him. He had no friends or hobbies — his work as a doctor had been all-consuming. Former colleagues didn’t get in touch, nor did he reach out.

His wife had passed away after a painful illness a decade earlier. Rousseau was estranged from one adult daughter and in only occasional contact with another. His isolation mounted as his three dogs, his most reliable companions, died.

Rousseau was completely alone — without friends, family, or a professional identity — and overcome by a sense of loss.

“I was a somewhat distinguished physician with a 60-page resume,” Rousseau, now 73, wrote in the Journal of the American Geriatrics Society in May. “Now, I’m ‘no one,’ a retired, forgotten old man who dithers away the days.”

In some ways, older men living alone are disadvantaged compared with older women in similar circumstances. Research shows that men tend to have fewer friends than women and be less inclined to make new friends. Often, they’re reluctant to ask for help.

“Men have a harder time being connected and reaching out,” said Robert Waldinger, a psychiatrist who directs the Harvard Study of Adult Development, which has traced the arc of hundreds of men’s lives over a span of more than eight decades. The men in the study who fared the worst, Waldinger said, “didn’t have friendships and things they were interested in — and couldn’t find them.” He recommends that men invest in their “social fitness” in addition to their physical fitness to ensure they have satisfying social interactions.

Slightly more than 1 in every 5 men ages 65 to 74 live alone, according to 2022 Census Bureau data. That rises to nearly 1 in 4 for those 75 or older. Nearly 40% of these men are divorced, 31% are widowed, and 21% never married.

That’s a significant change from 2000, when only 1 in 6 older men lived by themselves. Longer life spans for men and rising divorce rates are contributing to the trend. It’s difficult to find information about this group — which is dwarfed by the number of women who live alone — because it hasn’t been studied in depth. But psychologists and psychiatrists say these older men can be quite vulnerable.

When men are widowed, their health and well-being tend to decline more than women’s.

“Older men have a tendency to ruminate, to get into our heads with worries and fears and to feel more lonely and isolated,” said Jed Diamond, 80, a therapist and the author of “Surviving Male Menopause” and “The Irritable Male Syndrome.”

Add in the decline of civic institutions where men used to congregate — think of the Elks or the Shriners — and older men’s reduced ability to participate in athletic activities, and the result is a lack of stimulation and the loss of a sense of belonging.

Depression can ensue, fueling excessive alcohol use, accidents, or, in the most extreme cases, suicide. Of all age groups in the United States, men over age 75 have the highest suicide rate, by far.

For this column, I spoke at length to several older men who live alone. All but two (who’d been divorced) were widowed. Their experiences don’t represent all men who live alone. But still, they’re revealing.

The first person I called was Art Koff, 88, of Chicago, a longtime marketing executive I’d known for several years. When I reached out in January, I learned that Koff’s wife, Norma, had died the year before, leaving him hobbled by grief. Uninterested in eating and beset by unremitting loneliness, Koff lost 45 pounds.

“I’ve had a long and wonderful life, and I have lots of family and lots of friends who are terrific,” Koff told me. But now, he said, “nothing is of interest to me any longer.”

“I’m not happy living this life,” he said.

Nine days later, I learned that Koff had died. His nephew, Alexander Koff, said he had passed out and was gone within a day. The death certificate cited “end stage protein calorie malnutrition” as the cause.

The transition from being coupled to being single can be profoundly disorienting for older men. Lodovico Balducci, 80, was married to his wife, Claudia, for 52 years before she died in October 2023. Balducci, a renowned physician known as the “patriarch of geriatric oncology,” wrote about his emotional reaction in the Journal of the American Geriatrics Society, likening Claudia’s death to an “amputation.”

“I find myself talking to her all the time, most of the time in my head,” Balducci told me in a phone conversation. When I asked him whom he confides in, he admitted, “Maybe I don’t have any close friends.”

Disoriented and disorganized since Claudia died, he said his “anxiety has exploded.”

We spoke in late February. Two weeks later, Balducci moved from Tampa to New Orleans, to be near his son and daughter-in-law and their two teenagers.

“I am planning to help as much as possible with my grandchildren,” he said. “Life has to go on.”

Verne Ostrander, a carpenter in the small town of Willits, California, about 140 miles north of San Francisco, was reflective when I spoke with him, also in late February. His second wife, Cindy Morninglight, died four years ago after a long battle with cancer.

“Here I am, almost 80 years old — alone,” Ostrander said. “Who would have guessed?”

When Ostrander isn’t painting watercolors, composing music, or playing guitar, “I fall into this lonely state, and I cry quite a bit,” he told me. “I don’t ignore those feelings. I let myself feel them. It’s like therapy.”

Ostrander has lived in Willits for nearly 50 years and belongs to a men’s group and a couples’ group that’s been meeting for 20 years. He’s in remarkably good health and in close touch with his three adult children, who live within easy driving distance.

“The hard part of living alone is missing Cindy,” he told me. “The good part is the freedom to do whatever I want. My goal is to live another 20 to 30 years and become a better artist and get to know my kids when they get older.”

The Rev. Johnny Walker, 76, lives in a low-income apartment building in a financially challenged neighborhood on Chicago’s West Side. Twice divorced, he’s been on his own for five years. He, too, has close family connections. At least one of his several children and grandchildren checks in on him every day.

Walker says he had a life-changing religious conversion in 1993. Since then, he has depended on his faith and his church for a sense of meaning and community.

“It’s not hard being alone,” Walker said when I asked whether he was lonely. “I accept Christ in my life, and he said that he would never leave us or forsake us. When I wake up in the morning, that’s a new blessing. I just thank God that he has brought me this far.”

Waldinger recommended that men “make an effort every day to be in touch with people. Find what you love — golf, gardening, birdwatching, pickleball, working on a political campaign — and pursue it,” he said. “Put yourself in a situation where you’re going to see the same people over and over again. Because that’s the most natural way conversations get struck up and friendships start to develop.”

Rousseau, the retired South Carolina doctor, said he doesn’t think about the future much. After feeling lost for several years, he moved across the country to Jackson, Wyoming, in the summer of 2023. He embraced solitude, choosing a remarkably isolated spot to live — a 150-square-foot cabin with no running water and no bathroom, surrounded by 25,000 undeveloped acres of public and privately owned land.

“Yes, I’m still lonely, but the nature and the beauty here totally changed me and focused me on what’s really important,” he told me, describing a feeling of redemption in his solitude.

Rousseau realizes that the death of his parents and a very close friend in his childhood left him with a sense of loss that he kept at bay for most of his life. Now, he said, rather than denying his vulnerability, he’s trying to live with it. “There’s only so long you can put off dealing with all the things you’re trying to escape from.”

It’s not the life he envisioned, but it’s one that fits him, Rousseau said. He stays busy with volunteer activities — cleaning tanks and running tours at Jackson’s fish hatchery, serving as a part-time park ranger, and maintaining trails in nearby national forests. Those activities put him in touch with other people, mostly strangers, only intermittently.

What will happen to him when this way of living is no longer possible?

“I wish I had an answer, but I don’t,” Rousseau said. “I don’t see my daughters taking care of me. As far as someone else, I don’t think there’s anyone else who’s going to help me.”

We’re eager to hear from readers about questions you’d like answered, problems you’ve been having with your care, and advice you need in dealing with the health care system. Visit kffhealthnews.org/columnists to submit your requests or tips.

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His mother, Deborah Melvin-Muse, doesn’t display photos of him, the second-youngest of six children. His brother’s birthday was the day after the crash — and he hasn’t celebrated it since. An older brother carries a deep sense of guilt because he was looking after John that morning.

And Cheek Road, in a predominantly Black neighborhood, still lacks sidewalks for children to safely make their way to the local elementary school.

This, despite the years community activists and academic researchers have spent pleading with city leaders for safety improvements along the busy thoroughfare with sloping shoulders where John died. Drivers zoom along Cheek Road in the Merrick-Moore neighborhood, which connects downtown Durham to industrial sites and newer suburban developments.

Melvin-Muse moved her family out of the neighborhood after John’s death. “Now when I go down there, I look and see, you know, nothing really changed,” she said. “It still looks the same.”

Cheek Road has been “identified as needing improvements” by a local metropolitan planning board, said Erin Convery, Durham’s transportation planning manager, in an email.

“The infrastructure that exists is not well implemented,” concluded a May preliminary report produced by University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill students who collected data on speeding, noise, and air quality along Cheek Road. “Poorly marked crosswalks and inadequately positioned bus stops show a need for safety and accessibility improvements,” the report said.

Data was difficult to collect because “there were areas we didn’t want to get out of our cars because of the dangerous conditions,” said Ari Schwartz, one of the researchers.

In the 1940s, Black military veterans returning from World War II helped establish the Merrick-Moore neighborhood. Since then, residents say they have endured everything from noisy industrial trucks and speeding cars to illegal tire dumping and air pollution that threaten their health and safety.

Pedestrian deaths are highest in formerly redlined areas, neighborhoods where Black people lived because of discriminatory federal mortgage lending practices, research shows. The lack of sidewalks, damaged walkways, and roads with high speed limits are concentrated in these neighborhoods, studies show, creating a little-recognized public health crisis.

Governments invest in roads for people driving through such neighborhoods, but not in safety measures — like sidewalks, crosswalks, traffic circles, and speed bumps — that protect people living in them, researchers and advocates say.

“People will talk about vulnerable communities as if there is a problem with these communities, when in fact it is our systems and policies that have created these failings,” said Darya Minovi, a senior analyst at the Union of Concerned Scientists who studies environmental health and justice.

While the share of Black residents in Merrick-Moore has dropped in recent decades, data shows the neighborhood remains more than 80% Black or Hispanic and households there are typically less well-off than in other parts of the city.

“Local government takes money from the neighborhood but does not invest in it,” said Bonita Green, head of the Merrick-Moore Community Development Corporation and a former City Council candidate.

Green said the community group had documented more than 100 auto crashes along Cheek Road during a recent four-year span and at least three pedestrian deaths before 2020. In this fast-growing city of roughly 300,000, students at Merrick-Moore Elementary and others at a nearby high school sometimes walk along the road — where traffic is heavy, drivers are known to disregard the 25-mph speed limit, and the shoulders slope steeply.

When longtime residents like Ponsella Brown see kids walking there or hear about another accident, they remember the death of John Parker, who was in first grade.

“I just cringe,” said Brown, who worked as an administrative assistant at Merrick-Moore Elementary when John died. “Every time it comes up, it’s like really vivid in my mind.”

On the day John died, someone rushed into the office and said a child had been hit by a car on Cheek Road, recalled Brown, who said she ran to the scene.

“I remember the way his head was turned. I remember the spot of blood on his face. Like one speck of blood,” said Brown, who also works for the Merrick-Moore Community Development Corporation and is now a counselor at another school.

Traffic on Cheek Road is expected to increase as the population grows in Durham and surrounding areas, according to a separate April report from UNC graduate students. It noted that during the morning school drop-off time, many cars driving on Cheek Road don’t observe the posted speed limits.

Under an equity program meant to reverse the harm done to communities of color, Convery said, Durham officials are considering traffic-calming measures, including traffic circles, speed cushions, and high-visibility crosswalks.

“We’re open to future conversations that will help us achieve zero traffic deaths and injuries,” Convery said.

Yet a 2017 plan that prioritized more than 600 sidewalk projects based on safety, equity, and demand did not include Merrick-Moore Elementary School on Cheek Road, she said.

A strike by Durham school bus drivers this year only heightened concerns about the lack of safe walking routes for the 650 students who attend the elementary school, according to the April report.

Melvin-Muse, now 67, was at work when she got a call that John had been struck by a truck in front of their house. Before she left home that late May morning in 1989, she put her older kids in charge of the younger ones. They passed the time before school riding bicycles near their house, a few blocks from Merrick-Moore Elementary School, when the accident occurred.

John died two months shy of his 7th birthday from “massive head injuries,” according to The (Raleigh) News & Observer, which wrote about his death on Cheek Road at the time. John was buried in Markham Memorial Gardens, according to his obituary in The (Durham) Herald-Sun.

Melvin-Muse said his death sent the family into a tailspin of grief, anger, and regret.

“It caused a big rip in the family,” Melvin-Muse said.

Melvin-Muse and John’s father later divorced. She said she paid for therapy for her other kids, but they still got in trouble at school and two of her children ended up living in a home for kids with behavioral health issues. “It was just a bad time,” she said.

Years after the accident, Melvin-Muse said, she worked up the courage to call the driver who had hit her son. When he answered, he didn’t recognize her name, or John’s, fueling her rage, she recalled.

“I wanted revenge. An eye-for-an-eye kind of thing,” she said. “And I plotted to take him out the same way my son was taken out.”

She went so far as to get a job where he worked, the Durham County tax department, only to find he had left a week before she started.

“God knows what was in my heart and what I planned on doing,” Melvin-Muse said. “God moved him out of that place before I got there.”

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New laws to curb aggressive hospital billing, to expand charity care for lower-income patients, and to rein in debt collectors have been enacted in more than 20 states since 2021.

Democrats championed most measures. But the legislative efforts often passed with Republican support. In a few states, GOP lawmakers led the push to expand patient protections.

“Regardless of their party, regardless of their background … any significant medical procedure can place people into bankruptcy,” Florida House Speaker Paul Renner, a conservative Republican, said in an interview. “This is a real issue.”

Renner, who has shepherded controversial measures to curb abortion rights and expand the death penalty in Florida, this year also led an effort to limit when hospitals could send patients to collections. It garnered unanimous support in the Florida Legislature.

Bipartisan measures in other states have gone further, barring unpaid medical bills from consumer credit reports and restricting medical providers from placing liens on patients’ homes.

About 100 million people in the U.S. are burdened by some form of health care debt, forcing millions to drain savings, take out second mortgages, or cut back on food and other essentials, KFF Health News has found. A quarter of those with debt owed more than $5,000 in 2022.

“Republicans in the legislature seem more open to protecting people from medical debt than from other kinds of debt,” said Marceline White, executive director of Economic Action Maryland, which helped lead efforts in that state to stop medical providers from garnishing the wages of low-income patients. That bill drew unanimous support from Democrats and Republicans

“There seems to be broad agreement that you shouldn’t lose your home or your life savings because you got ill,” White said. “That’s just a basic level of fairness.”

Medical debt remains a more polarizing issue in Washington, where the Biden administration has pushed several efforts to tackle the issue, including a proposed rule by the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, or CFPB, to bar all medical debt from consumer credit reports.

Vice President Kamala Harris, who is spearheading the administration’s medical debt campaign, has touted the work on the presidential campaign trail while calling for new efforts to retire health care debt for millions of Americans.

Former President Donald Trump doesn’t typically talk about medical debt while stumping. But congressional Republicans have blasted the CFPB proposal, which House Financial Services Committee Chairman Patrick McHenry (R-N.C.) called “regulatory overreach.”

Nevertheless, pollster Michael Perry, who has surveyed Americans extensively about health care, said that conservative voters typically wary of government seem to view medical debt through another lens. “I think they feel it’s so stacked against them that they, as patients, don’t really have a voice,” he said. “The partisan divides we normally see just aren’t there.”

When Arizona consumer advocates put a measure on the ballot in 2022 to cap interest rates on medical debt, 72% of voters backed the initiative.

Similarly, nationwide polls have found more than 80% of Republicans and Democrats back limits on medical debt collections and stronger requirements that hospitals provide financial aid to patients.

Perry surfaced something else that may be driving bipartisan interest in medical debt: growing mistrust as health systems get bigger and act more like major corporations. “Hospitals aren’t what they used to be,” he said. “That is making it clear that profit and greed are driving lots of the decision-making.”

Not every state effort to address medical debt has garnered broad bipartisan support.

When Colorado last year became the first state to bar medical debt from residents’ credit reports, just one Republican lawmaker backed the measure. A Minnesota bill that did the same thing this year passed without a single GOP vote.

But elsewhere, similarly tough measures have sailed through.

A 2024 Illinois bill to bar credit reporting for medical debt passed unanimously in the state Senate and cleared the House of Representatives 109-2. In Rhode Island, not a single GOP lawmaker opposed a credit reporting ban.

And when the California Legislature took up a 2021 bill to require hospitals in the state to provide more financial assistance to patients, it passed 72-0 in the state Assembly and 39-0 in the Senate.

Even some conservative states, such as Oklahoma, have taken steps, albeit more modest. A new law there bars medical providers from pursuing patients for debts if the provider has not publicly posted its prices. The measure, signed by the state’s Republican governor, passed unanimously.

New Mexico state Sen. Steve Neville, a Republican who backed legislation to restrict aggressive collections against low-income patients in that state, said he was simply being pragmatic.

“There was not much advantage to spending a lot of time trying to do collections on indigent patients,” Neville said. “If they don’t have the money, they don’t have the money.” Three of 12 GOP senators supported the measure.

North Carolina state Treasurer Dale Folwell, a Republican who as a state legislator spearheaded a 2012 effort to ban same-sex marriage, said all elected officials, no matter their party, should care about what medical debt is doing to patients.

“It doesn’t matter if, as a conservative, I’m saying these things, or if Bernie Sanders is saying these things,” Folwell said, referencing Vermont’s liberal U.S. senator. “At the end of the day, it should be all our jobs to advocate for the invisible.”

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“The Republicans don’t want to claim it,” Trump told an interviewer in late September.

Instead, on at least 17 occasions this year, Trump has promised to cut funding to schools that mandate vaccines. Campaign spokespeople have previously said that pledge would apply only to schools with covid mandates. But speeches reviewed by KFF Health News included no such distinction — raising the possibility Trump would also target vaccination rules for common, potentially lethal childhood diseases like polio and measles.

The Trump campaign did not respond to requests for comment on this article.

Trump has presided over a landslide shift in his party’s views on vaccines, reflected this campaign season in false claims by Republican candidates during the primaries and puzzling conspiracies from prominent conservative voices. Republicans increasingly express worry about the risks of vaccines. A September 2023 poll from Politico and Morning Consult showed a narrow majority of those voters cared more about the risks than the benefits of getting inoculated.

A surge in anti-vaccine policy in statehouses has followed the rhetoric. Boston University political scientist Matt Motta, who tracks public health policy, said preliminary data shows that states enacted at least 42 anti-vaccine bills in 2023 — nearly a ninefold surge since 2019.

In some states, it has the look of a crusade: The 2024 Texas GOP platform, for example, proposes a ban on mRNA technology, the innovation behind some covid-19 vaccines that scientists believe could have significant applications for cancer care.

Last month, Trump made an appeal to anti-vaccine voters by landing the endorsement of Robert F. Kennedy Jr., one of the nation’s most prominent vaccine skeptics — and appointing him to his transition team. In a recent tour with former Fox News broadcaster Tucker Carlson, Kennedy said he was “going to be deeply involved in helping to choose the people who run FDA, NIH, and CDC.”

Trump’s outreach can be more discreet: He recently met with a delegation of vaccine-skeptical activists — including one group pushing an end to mandates and certain types of vaccines — at his New Jersey golf club; the discussion was publicized by the conservative blog “Gateway Pundit.”

Trump has options in advancing anti-vaccine goals as president, such as by sowing further doubt and undermining the federal government’s ability to make vaccine recommendations. He has promised to appoint Kennedy, along with “top experts,” to a panel exploring chronic diseases, some of which Kennedy’s nonprofit has linked to inoculations. “Nobody’s done more” to advocate for “the health of our families and our children,” Trump declared at a rally accepting Kennedy’s endorsement.

Still, it’s hard to tell how Trump’s most frequently made proposal — defunding schools that mandate vaccinations — would translate into action, said Judith Winston, former general counsel of the Department of Education during the Obama administration.

Currently, the Department of Education lacks the power to turn off public school funding all at once, she said — meaning a second Trump administration would have to take away money program by program.

And the legal basis for such a move isn’t clear. “I am unaware of any federal law that mandates school districts either provide or not provide a vaccine,” Winston said, adding it would probably require congressional action.

All 50 states have a vaccine requirement tied to school attendance.

Trump’s outreach to anti-vaccine constituencies comes as vaccine hesitancy increases and preventable disease surges. This summer, Oregon experienced its worst outbreak of measles since 1991.

The situation could get worse, said Tom Frieden, a former director of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention: In the Nineties, during a time when vaccine skepticism also proliferated, the U.S. saw thousands of measles cases. According to the CDC, we haven’t yet returned to those bad old days — but the number of measles cases recorded this year is already quadruple that of last year.

“It was highly disruptive,” he said. “Many children who had measles ended up with hearing problems or cognitive problems that were lifelong. A small number died in this country.”

Worldwide, the disease killed over 100,000 in 2022, mostly among children under age 5, according to the World Health Organization.

Polling shows a substantial minority of Americans, concentrated in the Republican Party, hold vaccine-skeptical positions, said Harvard professor and health politics expert Robert Blendon. And skepticism about covid vaccines is blossoming into suspicion of vaccines generally among that group, he said. “It follows from this rebellion against the covid vaccine mandates.”

Vaccine opposition has divided the GOP. Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis made opposition to vaccines a core part of his ill-fated campaign for the GOP presidential nomination. In states such as Wyoming and Missouri, pitched primary campaigns centered on anti-vaccine themes this year.

Bob Onder, a physician and Republican candidate for Congress in Missouri, was accused in Facebook ads placed by his top opponent of taking millions from pharmaceutical companies to test vaccines. “He profited from our pain,” one ad said. “You suffered the consequences.”

Onder “has never done covid vaccine research” and opposes covid vaccine mandates, his campaign manager, Charley Lovett, told KFF Health News. (Lovett said Onder “conducted” one study sponsored by AstraZeneca on preventing covid in high-risk patients using monoclonal antibodies, not vaccines.)

Onder won the Republican primary, but his vaccine-disparaging opponent still scored just over 37% of the vote.

Anti-vaccine candidates typically become anti-vaccine policymakers. The impact can be seen in Texas, where vaccine politics were once a bipartisan matter. According to researchers, from 2009 to 2019, legislators there passed 19 pro-vaccine bills, such as a measure allowing pharmacists to administer immunizations.

But that consensus began to shift toward the end of the decade. Small groups, often nurtured on Facebook, made their influence felt. One such group, Texans for Vaccine Choice, spurred testimony before the state legislature in 2021 and targeted pro-immunization legislators, some of whom fell in their GOP primaries.

Misinformation has fueled the anti-vaccine turn in Texas, alongside traditional conservative attitudes about individual autonomy, said Summer Wise, a former executive committee member of the state’s Republican Party — particularly misconceptions about the use of fetal cells in vaccine development; falsified research about a link between vaccines and autism; and conspiracy theories about Bill Gates, the billionaire philanthropist who has championed vaccination.

“Politicians see vaccines as an easy foil to propagate fear among the electorate, which can then be leveraged and directed to control a voting bloc,” Wise said.

In addition to calling for a ban on mRNA technology, the Texas GOP’s 2024 platform features a laundry list of policies that could undermine vaccination, including allowing medical residents and physicians the ability to opt out of administering shots for religious reasons. It also calls for enshrining a patient’s ability to opt out of vaccine mandates in the state’s Bill of Rights.

Nationally, anti-immunization policies could take an aggressive turn under a second Trump administration.

Roger Severino, formerly head of the Department of Health and Human Services’ Office of Civil Rights and now with the Heritage Foundation, penned the health agency section of Project 2025, the Heritage Foundation-led initiative to plan for a Republican administration.

Among other ideas, the document proposes clipping CDC authority to issue vaccine or quarantine guidance of a “prescriptive” nature, targeted at schools or elsewhere.

A spokesperson for the Heritage Foundation noted Severino has said the agency’s credibility has been hurt, and it has a burden to explain “all the vaccines on the schedule being taken in combination.”

The proposal misunderstands CDC’s history and powers, said Lawrence Gostin, a public health law professor at Georgetown University. The agency “rarely if ever” makes binding recommendations, he said.

“When the next pandemic hits, we will look to CDC to offer guidance based on the best-known evidence,” he said. “We don’t want a disempowered agency in a public health emergency.”

Some Republican intellectuals have spun dystopian visions surrounding vaccines. Take “Dawn’s Early Light,” a yet-to-be-published book by Heritage president Kevin Roberts. The tome — which earned a glowing foreword by Republican vice presidential nominee JD Vance — reserves especially sharp words for vaccines.

In one section of the book, Roberts imagines that the federal government would somehow use alleged new capabilities to “deplatform drivers” of cars for “failing to follow the latest vaccine mandate.”

“Yet another powerful tool of social control falls into place,” he wrote.

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Babies too young to be vaccinated had the highest covid hospitalization rate of any age group except people over 75.

The study looked at infant medical data from October 2022 to April 2024 in 12 states and underscores the critical importance of vaccinating pregnant people. It also echoes what physicians have anecdotally reported for more than three years — that people are still skeptical of covid vaccines due to persistent misinformation.

Of the 1,470 infants sick enough to be hospitalized due to covid, severe outcomes occurred “frequently,” according to the report. Excluding newborns hospitalized at birth, about 1 in 5 infants hospitalized with covid required intensive care, and nearly 1 in 20 required a ventilator.

“These aren’t necessarily high-risk, ill newborns. These are just regular, full-term, healthy newborn kids who happen to get covid and wind up on a ventilator in the hospital,” said Neil Silverman, a professor of clinical obstetrics and gynecology and the director of the Infectious Diseases in Pregnancy Program at the David Geffen School of Medicine at UCLA.

Babies can’t get the covid vaccination until they are at least 6 months old. That leaves a “huge window” when infants are most vulnerable, Silverman said. Vaccinating pregnant women so they pass the antibodies on to their newborns is an effective way of protecting babies during that time. Vaccination during pregnancy also protects pregnant people from severe disease.

But persistent vaccine misinformation online has led to skepticism among Silverman’s pregnant patients.

“The most frustrating response that I get from folks is that they need to do more research before they think about getting the covid vaccine,” Silverman said. “We have dozens and dozens of studies showing the safety of the mRNA vaccine. I don’t know how much more research we can provide to skeptics.”

Among the 1,000-plus babies hospitalized with covid, the median age was just 2 months old, according to the report. Nine of the infants died.

South Carolina pediatrician Deborah Greenhouse said she plans to share the study with families she cares for. “There absolutely is a proportion of the population who will look at this and say, ‘Hey, wow, I should get that vaccine. It could protect my baby,’” she said.

Greenhouse believes the new data could solidify the risk of skipping the vaccine when she speaks to families.

“I think that it might help to convince some parents when you can actually show them hospitalization numbers and you can show them intensive care numbers and you can show them mechanical ventilation numbers,” Greenhouse said. “Those things are a big deal.”

Often, Greenhouse waits to be informed that a person is pregnant before bringing up the updated covid shot. Now she’s rethinking that strategy. “As pediatricians we do get moms in our office who are pregnant and we have an opportunity to intervene and to do some education and make them understand how important this is,” she said.

Physicians can encourage vaccination by making it as easy and simple as possible, Silverman said. He encouraged fellow doctors to offer the shots in their offices, rather than sending patients to pharmacies or other providers.

“We lose probably 30 to 40% of vaccination opportunities once someone has to leave the office to get a vaccine,” Silverman said.

But offering covid shots in their clinics leaves some doctors with a difficult calculation. They are struggling to predict how many patients will be interested in the vaccine and may not be able to return all their excess doses. Many providers can’t afford to lose money on doses that won’t be used, but they still need to order enough to vaccinate vulnerable patients who want the shot.

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Five decades later, with 14 states banning abortion in almost all circumstances, the University of California-San Francisco breast cancer surgeon has once again taken up the fight for women’s reproductive rights. Since 2021, when Texas prohibited most abortions, she has boycotted the San Antonio Breast Cancer Symposium — a conference she had regularly attended, and frequently headlined, for 34 years.

“People are passing laws that are legislating what should be a medical decision,” she said. “And I am objecting in whatever way I can.”

Esserman and other physicians have urged their colleagues and medical societies to move all professional meetings out of states that criminalize abortion. Short of a move, they have called for boycotts of the events.

In November, Esserman expects 300 health providers and researchers to meet in San Francisco for an alternative breast cancer conference.

The effort to move annual conferences — which pump substantial revenue into local communities and attract many of the nation’s 1.1 million physicians and other medical professionals looking to network, satisfy continuing education requirements, and learn about the latest developments in their fields — has led to some notable relocations.

The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists moved its 2023 annual meeting and an estimated 4,000 participants from New Orleans to Maryland in response to Louisiana’s abortion ban. An estimated 3,600 health care professionals attended the American Association of Immunologists’ conference in Chicago this year, after the group moved the meeting from its planned Phoenix location in response to Arizona’s restrictive abortion law.

“In addition to causing great physical and psychological harm to patients,” the association said in a statement, abortion bans “threaten irreparable damage to the private and trusted relationship between medical professionals and their patients.”

Yet even doctors who agree about reproductive rights disagree about how to express dissent. Some argue it’s more important than ever to visit states where abortion has been outlawed, to learn about the issues surfacing because of the laws, and to help people organize against them.

“We cannot support penalizing communities that are already harmed by this legislation,” said obstetrician and gynecologist Jamila Perritt, president and CEO of Physicians for Reproductive Health. “As opposed to withdrawing support, what we’re calling for is actually flooding those folks with support.”

Physicians for Reproductive Health has been providing security for doctors targeted by anti-abortion activists, Perritt said, and training doctors to teach abortion care in abortion-restricting states and to testify to state legislatures about the need for abortion access.

“There is a lot to be gained by coming to these states, supporting us, seeing the reality, and bringing these conversations into your conference space so that you can better understand our reality, rather than just boycotting that state completely, which is not helpful,” said Bhavik Kumar, chief medical officer for Planned Parenthood of Greater Ohio and a medical director for Planned Parenthood Gulf Coast in Texas and Louisiana.

Since the Supreme Court’s 2022 decision to overturn Roe and eliminate a federal constitutional right to abortion, all but nine states and Washington, D.C., have imposed abortion restrictions, according to the Guttmacher Institute.

The San Antonio Breast Cancer Symposium continues to be held in Texas, where abortion is banned in almost all instances, and boycott calls do not appear to have slowed turnout. In fact, the number of in-person attendees increased from just under 8,000 in 2019 to 8,220 last year, organizers said.

Breast oncologist Virginia Kaklamani, a University of Texas Health Science Center-San Antonio professor of medicine who co-directs the San Antonio symposium, plans to stay in Texas. She doesn’t believe in boycotts, though she does share boycott proponents’ concerns. Despite exceptions, such as the American Association of Pro-Life Obstetricians and Gynecologists, doctors have by and large spoken against abortion restrictions.

“I think the way to handle it is to talk to our elected officials, to go out and vote. Moving meetings from one place to another is not going to help,” Kaklamani said. “You stay and you fight for your patients.”

Esserman recognizes that boycott calls have not had significant impact, but she feels compelled to keep applying pressure anyway.

She can’t help but think about a patient who recently came to her San Francisco practice nine weeks pregnant and with an aggressive breast cancer. If she were to continue the pregnancy, she would be ineligible for the most effective treatment. “Where I live, she has a choice,” Esserman said. In some states, she would have no choice but to carry the pregnancy to term.

Cary Gross, a Yale School of Medicine professor who co-authored a JAMA Internal Medicine opinion piece last year advocating boycotts, cited three arguments: expressing the profession’s values, acting as an ethical consumer, and protecting the health of attendees. Women physicians of childbearing age have voiced fears about traveling to anti-abortion states, especially while pregnant.

“The legislators passing these laws are probably not going to change their stance,” Gross said. “But for the general population, the more you can do to alert people, to remind people there’s another way, you have to make your voice heard.”

Still, Gross, Esserman, and others pushing for boycotts can point to no evidence that their efforts have changed hearts and minds, let alone laws.

Instead of moving the American Society of Hematology’s 2022 meeting out of New Orleans after Louisiana imposed a trigger law to ban abortion, Jane Winter, the society’s president at the time, met with Louisiana’s then-governor, John Bel Edwards, and told him about women whose survival might depend on getting an abortion. They talked about her 22-year-old patient who had Hodgkin lymphoma and learned she was pregnant just before a planned stem cell transplant.

“Gov. Edwards was visibly moved by our clinical cases and shared that lawmakers had not considered the impact of abortion restrictions on the care of our patients,” Winters wrote in a column for The Hematologist.

Last year, the hematologists held their meeting in San Diego, and they will meet again in California, which has no post-Roe abortion restrictions, in December.

In an email, Winter said her conversation with Edwards changed nothing concrete, as far as she knows. But she added, “I do believe that telling the stories of specific individuals – in my case, those of my patients – is one way to begin to change minds.”

This article was produced by KFF Health News, which publishes California Healthline, an editorially independent service of the California Health Care Foundation. 

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The enthusiasm may be key for Democratic turnout at the polls in critical battleground states.

Black women have always been among the most reliable voters in the Democratic base and were central to former President Barack Obama’s victories in 2008 and 2012. Enthusiasm was also robust for President Joe Biden in 2020. But this year, before he bowed out of the race and Harris became the Democratic nominee, his support among this critical demographic had been fading, which could have dampened turnout in swing states.

Black voters’ support for the top of the Democratic ticket has since increased. In July, before he left the race, 64% of Black voters supported Biden, according to the Pew Research Center. Seventy-seven percent of Black voters supported Harris in August.

Black voter turnout, especially in rural areas of Georgia, North Carolina, and Pennsylvania, could help propel Harris to victory. That support — especially among Black women — has swelled since Biden’s departure, polling shows.

“This is a renaissance,” said Holli Holliday, a lawyer in the Washington, D.C., area who is president of Sisters Lead Sisters Vote, a group that works to advance Black women’s political leadership. “We’re partnering with a collective of Black women organizations to collaborate and collectively move like we never have before.”

Gun safety issues could especially resonate in Georgia, where both Harris and the Republican nominee, former President Donald Trump, are vying for the support of Black voters. A Sept. 4 shooting at Apalachee High School near Winder, Georgia, killed four people and left nine hospitalized with injuries, with scores more facing mental and emotional scars.

Eighty-two percent of Black women voters had a favorable view of Harris in August, according to the Pew Research Center, up from 67% in May.

And more Black women than before say they will go to the polls. Almost 70% of Black women said in August they were extremely or very motivated to vote, according to Pew, up from 51% in July. Sixteen million Black women in the U.S. are eligible to vote and 67% of them are registered, according to Higher Heights, a political action committee focused on mobilizing and electing Black women.

Trump has also sought support from Black women voters. His campaign released a video in August showcasing Black women pledging to support him over Harris, pointing to his economic policies as a key reason.

Still, only 8% of Black women voters say the Republican Party does a better job of looking out for their interests, according to a poll done in May and June by KFF, a health information nonprofit that includes KFF Health News.

Harris’ attention to health issues particularly important to Black women is helping to draw their support, said Kimberly Peeler-Allen, a co-founder of Higher Heights. In 2021, the vice president called for a more robust government response to the nation’s high maternal mortality rates.

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention says Black women are three times as likely to die from pregnancy-related complications as white women. The disparity is driven in part by differing access to quality health care, underlying health conditions, bias, and racism.

“The vice president’s focus on Black maternal morbidity has gotten a lot of attention and gratitude,” Peeler-Allen said. “High-quality and affordable care, as well as the economy, are one of the top issues that drive Black women voters to get to the polls.”

As a senator, Harris co-sponsored a package of legislation aimed at improving maternal health, with a focus on Black women. The Biden administration pushed to expand maternal health initiatives in rural communities and improve bias training for health care providers, including by awarding more than $103 million in grants in 2023 to support and expand access to maternal health care.

Trump in 2018 signed legislation intended to reduce the maternal mortality rate that provided $58 million a year for five years to help states investigate and prevent pregnancy-related deaths.

As vice president, Harris also pushed states to extend postpartum care in Medicaid, the state-federal health program for low-income and disabled people. Biden signed legislation that temporarily gave states the option to expand the coverage to a full year from the required 60 days, with federal matching funds, and later signed a law allowing states to make the extended benefits permanent.

Illinois, New Jersey, and Virginia were the only states providing 12 months of postpartum Medicaid coverage when Harris became vice president. Today, the yearlong benefit has been adopted by at least 46 states and Washington, D.C., according to KFF.

“I am so thrilled out of my mind. I didn’t think we’d get there that quick,” said Rep. Robin Kelly (D-Ill.), who has helped lead congressional efforts to reduce mortality and morbidity among mothers and pregnant women, especially Black women. “It helps having everybody at the Senate, House, and White House working together. I am optimistic we are going to have someone at the top who gets it. We still have a ways to go.”

Harris’ support for measures to stem gun violence also helps her appeal to Black women. Harris said during her debate with Trump last month that she’s a gun owner. But she has pressed for banning what are often known as assault weapons and to implement universal background checks ahead of gun purchases — issues that may resonate in Georgia, especially, after the Apalachee shooting.

Eighty-four percent of Black women favor Harris on gun reform over Trump, according to a 2024 poll conducted for The Highland Project, a women-led coalition focused on creating multigenerational wealth in Black communities.

Trump’s campaign advisers have said he would protect access to guns by appointing federal judges who oppose restrictions. He has supported gun rights despite two apparent assassination attempts during the campaign, and as president in 2017 he reversed a controversial Obama administration regulation making it harder for people with mental health issues to purchase guns.

Win With Black Women, a network of Black women leaders, hosted a planning call with Black women the day Biden withdrew from the race. About 44,000 participants joined the meeting.

Waning enthusiasm for the Democratic ticket among Black women before Harris entered the race could have undermined turnout. And turnout matters: In the 2020 presidential race, seven states were won by less than three percentage points each.

“To have 44,000 black women on a phone call that Sunday night? That enthusiasm, that’s good for Democrats,” said Kelly Dittmar, research director at Rutgers’ Center for American Women and Politics. “If Democrats selected someone with less enthusiastic backing, a lot of women who supported Biden may have stayed home.”

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“First practice, he came back, he said, ‘Dad, I love it,’” recalled his father, Lothar Nafz, of Hoover, Alabama. “He lives for lacrosse.”

But years of youth sports took a toll on Preston’s body. By the time the teenager limped off the field during a lacrosse tournament last year, the pain in his left hip had become so intense that he had trouble with simple activities, such as getting out of a car or turning over in bed. Months of physical therapy and anti-inflammatory drugs didn’t help.

Not only did he have to give up sports, but “I could barely do anything,” said Preston, now 17.

The Medical Procedure

A doctor recommended Preston undergo a procedure called a sports hernia repair to mend damaged tissue in his pelvis, believed to be causing his pain.

The sports medicine clinic treating Preston told Lothar that the procedure had no medical billing code — an identifier that providers use to charge insurers and other payers. It likely would be a struggle to persuade their insurer to cover it, Lothar was told, which is why he needed to pay upfront.

With his son suffering, Lothar said, the surgery “needed to be done.” He paid more than $7,000 to the clinic and the surgery center with a personal credit card and a medical credit card with a zero-interest rate.

Preston underwent surgery in November, and his father filed a claim with their insurer, hoping for a full reimbursement. It didn’t come.

The Final Bill

$7,105, which broke down as $480 for anesthesia, a $625 facility fee, and $6,000 for the surgery.

The Billing Problem: No CPT Code

Before the surgery, Lothar said, he called Blue Cross and Blue Shield of Alabama and was encouraged to learn that his policy typically covers most medical, non-cosmetic procedures.

But during follow-up phone calls, he said, insurance representatives were “deflecting, trying to wiggle out.” He said he called several times, getting a denial just before the surgery.

Lothar said he trusted his son’s doctor, who showed him research indicating the surgery works. The clinic, Andrews Sports Medicine and Orthopaedic Center, has a good reputation in Alabama, he said.

Other medical providers not involved in the case called the surgery a legitimate treatment.

A sports hernia — also known as an “athletic pubalgia” — is a catchall phrase to describe pain that athletes may experience in the lower groin or upper thigh area, said David Geier, an orthopedic surgeon and sports medicine specialist in Mount Pleasant, South Carolina.

“There’s a number of underlying things that can cause it,” Geier said. Because of that, there isn’t “one accepted surgery for that problem. That’s why I suspect there’s not a uniform CPT.”

CPT stands for “Current Procedural Terminology” and refers to the numerical or alphanumeric codes for procedures and services performed in a clinical or outpatient setting. There’s a CPT code for a rapid strep test, for example, and different codes for various X-rays.

The lack of a CPT code can cause reimbursement headaches, since insurers determine how much to pay based on the CPT codes providers use on claims forms.

More than 10,000 CPT codes exist. Several hundred are added each year by a special committee of the American Medical Association, explained Leonta Williams, director of education at AAPC, previously known as the American Academy of Professional Coders.

Codes are more likely to be proposed if the procedure in question is highly utilized, she said.

Not many orthopedic surgeons in the U.S. perform sports hernia repairs, Geier said. He said some insurers consider the surgery experimental.

Preston said his pain improved since his surgery, though recovery was much longer and more painful than he expected.

By the end of April, Lothar said, he’d finished paying off the surgery.

The Resolution: A billing statement from the surgery center shows that the CPT code assigned to Preston’s sports hernia repair was “27299,” which stands for “a pelvis or hip joint procedure that does not have a specific code.”

After submitting more documentation to appeal the insurance denial, Lothar received a check from the insurer for $620.26. Blue Cross and Blue Shield didn’t say how it came up with that number or which costs it was reimbursing.

Lothar said he has continued to receive confusing messages from the insurer about his claim.

Both the insurer and the sports medicine clinic declined to comment.

The Takeaway

Before you undergo a medical procedure, try to check whether your insurer will cover the cost and confirm it has a billing code.

Williams of the AAPC suggests asking your insurer: “Do you reimburse this code? What types of services fall under this code? What is the likelihood of this being reimbursed?”

Persuading an insurer to pay for care that doesn’t have its own billing code is difficult but not impossible, Williams said. Your doctor can bill insurance using an “unlisted code” along with documentation explaining what procedure was performed.

“Anytime you’re dealing with an unlisted code, there’s additional work needed to explain what service was rendered and why it was needed,” she said.

Some patients undergoing procedures without CPT codes may be asked to pay upfront. You can also offer a partial upfront payment, which may motivate your provider to team up to get insurance to pay.

Bill of the Month is a crowdsourced investigation by KFF Health News and The Washington Post’s Well+Being that dissects and explains medical bills. Since 2018, this series has helped many patients and readers get their medical bills reduced, and it has been cited in statehouses, the U.S. Capitol, and at the White House. Do you have a confusing or outrageous medical bill you want to share? Tell us about it!

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